ENGLISH DEYEA NEWS

By Rina Jimenez-David / Philippine Daily Inquirer | IN the run-up to the first anti-Con-ass and anti-Cha-cha rallies, TV reporters sought “person-on-the-street” interviews with office-goers in Makati where the rally was to be held. Most of those interviewed said they weren’t joining the demonstration, with one commenting that she was tired of joining rallies because “what have rallies changed anyway?”

(photo: AP / Martial Trezzini)

Well, to skeptical citizens questioning the wisdom and utility of joining rallies, I say: Look at what’s happening in Iran. Massive crowds gathered in the streets of Tehran (and perhaps elsewhere in the country) are today the staple of international cable news channels. And when the major news agencies were barred from covering the protests, the new technology took over, with scenes shot with personal video cams and cell phones broadcast over the Internet and with information shared and traded via Twitter.

Without the people leaving the safety of their homes and risking arrest, not to mention violence, by massing in great numbers and creating noise and mayhem, the world would not know the breadth and depth of the Iranians’ anger and frustration. Already, a young woman named Neda, shown on video sprawled on a street after she was allegedly shot in the middle of a street protest, has become the symbol of a popular uprising.

Despite the arrest of more than 400 Iranians, and 19 deaths, the unrest in Iran continues. Iranian opposition leader Mir Hossein Mousavi and former President Mohammad Khatami have called on their followers to continue to “protest in a civil manner,” with Mousavi declaring that “protesting lies and fraud is your right.” Mousavi claims that the election triumph allegedly won by incumbent President Mahmoud Ahamadinejad was won only after a fraudulent count.

* * *

IN an unprecedented statement, the Guardians Council (which is akin to our Commission on Elections) acknowledged that there were some “discrepancies” in the balloting but that the number of votes involved was not enough to affect the overall outcome.

When I heard this, I couldn’t help but recall similar findings in this country in 2004, when reports of “local” irregularities in the May elections were dismissed, with some of them acknowledged but with the Comelec stating that these weren’t enough to put to doubt President Macapagal-Arroyo’s victory. Some months later, the “Hello,Garci” tapes emerged and what had seemed at the time as random acts of cheating gradually formed into a pattern to steal—though some say it was merely to enlarge—a margin of victory for GMA.

At the moment, the top leadership of Iran, led by the Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, seems determined to hold the line. Police and the military have been dispatched to quell the protests, with the subsequent clashes adding to the drama of the viral videos. Already, copycat rallies have been held abroad, attracting mainly exiled Iranians in capitals around the world, ensuring a global audience for the continuing protests.

Of course, the street protests cannot last indefinitely. At one point, people no matter how angry will have to get on with their lives, return to school, go back to work, and resume the routines of every day. It’s really both a science and art: determining whether the arc of a protest movement is just about to peak or has hit the downward momentum. But even at this point, the post-election show of mass fury in Iran has already made history, and even if this is but a harbinger, there’s no doubt the country has inexorably changed course.

* * *

Recent history teaches us, though, that not all street protests end on a positive note, or even seem to make a difference.

In late 2007, the world was stunned to see video images of Burmese monks with shaven heads and in saffron robes marching in the streets of Rangoon, initially to protest rising fuel prices, but growing into a movement for democracy.

For a few heady days, the world watched fascinated as a people who lived in one of the poorest, most miserable countries in the world, discovered their voice and their collective will. But even the bravery of the most respected and revered figures in Burmese society was not enough to prevail over the junta, which sent armed soldiers to chase after the monks and their followers. Monasteries were raided and some were closed down, universities became hunting grounds for activists. In the end, Burma once more shut down, and to this day no one can say exactly how many died as a result of the crackdown.

But even in Burma, one can’t say that nothing changed because of these mass actions. It may take years before we know just exactly what long-term impact the marching monks and, more importantly, the violence used to curtail them will have on young Burmese. But surely change will come and when it does, the leaders of the junta won’t know what hit ‘em.

* * *

Filipinos, of course, are veteran protesters, having mounted or taken part in one mass action or the other for well over 30 years. And we do know that protests matter, and that democratic change is possible on the heels of a popular uprising.

Experts now say that the new generation of teens and young adults, the usual fodder for mass action organizers here, has grown increasingly tired of serving as foot soldiers for ideology or political causes. The arena, they say, has shifted to blogs and Internet sites, where young people can safely vent their ire on authority without need of battling the elements or getting hit by truncheons.

The trouble with cyber-protests, though, is that they’re seen and heard only within the limited circles of the virtual world, even if that is going increasingly global. For real power and drama, there’s nothing like masses of warm bodies spilling out in the streets.